MR. CHOATE: Ah, thank you, thank you, thank you very
much. Well, hello, Reformers!
AUDIENCE: Hello Pat!
MR. CHOATE: Well, I was watching television last night and
Bob Novak and Bill Press on CNN's "Crossfire" delivered a
eulogy for the Reform Party. Today the New York Times did
the same thing. I know they wish that were so, but it's not.
(Chuckles.) (Cheers, applause.)
Nonetheless, this party is at a critical moment. We're at the
very part, the very point, where every third party over the past
140 years has tried to challenge the two-party system, where
every one of those parties has failed. No third party has ever
made the transition from first- to second-generation leadership.
Sometimes it's because the issues are taken by the other
parties. Sometimes it's because of the personalities, but it has
never, never been done.
Over the next two days, as you complete the credentialings
process and sit down as the supreme governing body of this
party, I think there are three choices before us. The first choice
is to simply disband; say our job is done.
AUDIENCE: No!
MR. CHOATE: There are some that would wish that, and it
would be a distinguished record, if that were done. It was
because of this party and Ross Perot's campaign in 1992 that
the budget deficit was turned to a budget surplus. This party
did that. (Cheers, applause) It's because of this party that
campaign finance reform is a major issue. It was the central
element of the Perot campaign in 1996, and because of that,
that issue is now front and center with the American people
and they understand that democracy is being stifled out by
special interests and corporate money.
A second choice is to say that we're tired; that the time has
come for us to merge with some other party --
AUDIENCE: No!
MR. CHOATE: -- and seek other leadership. And there are
parties that would love to have the energy of the people here.
There is a third choice, and the third choice is to strengthen
our party, forge ahead, and lead the nation in the 21st century.
(Cheers, applause.) I advocate forging ahead. (Cheers,
applause.) Now, if this party is to remain independent, if we are
to secure the membership and the votes, the question is, Who
is best equipped to lead us in the 2000 election?
Who is best equipped to help us build this party, to energize,
to speak to our values? I say that person is Patrick Buchanan.
(Applause. Cheers.)
CROWD (Cheering): Go, Pat, go!
MR. CHOATE: And I say that not from a distance, not from an
academic perspective -- I say that from direct and personal
observation.
Let me share some things. In 1990, I authored a very
controversial book about foreign lobbying inside the U.S.
government. At the time it caused an enormous stir, because I
identified hundreds of former trade officials who would leave
office and go to work for the Japanese and for the European --
they would work for foreign interests against American
interests. I identified dozens of U.S. senators and members of
Congress who would leave office and then become advocates
for these same special foreign interests. And the book was
very controversial, and I was attacked, and it was attacked,
that that was okay. And it was of course okay inside the
Beltway, but it was not okay outside the country.
Two -- two -- prominent Americans came forth to defend that
book two. One was Ross Perot. (Applause.) The other was Pat
Buchanan. (Cheers.) And both Buchanan and Perot hammered
the issue, they put it into their campaigns; and, as a
consequence of that, what we saw was laws were passed in
the mid 1990s making it illegal for the United States Trade
Representative to ever represent a foreign interest. New ethic
standards were passed, even by the Clinton administration,
because Buchanan and Perot brought so much heat on them.
It was a major benefit. Those two men get the credit.
(Applause.)
In 1990, as George Bush prepared to take America to war, to
defend the interest of big oil in Kuwait, two prominent
Americans came forth to challenge the wisdom of putting
American lives at risk without committing the people of this
country. One was Ross Perot, the other was Pat Buchanan.
(Applause. Cheers.) In 1991 and 1992, as President George
Bush raised taxes, broke his promise, and tried to America
into the new world order, first Pat Buchanan and then Ross
Perot challenged the national establishment for control of the
White House.
In 1993, two prominent Americans led the fight against
ratification of NAFTA: Ross Perot and Pat Buchanan joined by
Ralph Nader. (Applause. Cheers.) In 1994, two prominent
Americans led the fight against the ratification of the World
Trade Organization treaty: Ross Perot and Pat Buchanan
joined by Ralph Nader. (Applause.)
In 1996, both Perot and Buchanan challenged the national
establishment for the presidency and both were dramatically
and openly cheated in the most corrupt election in this
country's history. (Applause. Cheers.)
Four years passed. Ross Perot has chosen not to stand for
office, and I respect that. His public contributions have been
enormous. (Applause.)
But Buchanan -- but Buchanan remains active. Since 1995,
when he electrified the United We Stand issues conference in
Dallas, I have urged Pat Buchanan to leave the GOP and join
the Reform Party. (Applause. Cheers.)
My argument is very simple: he is a reformer, and the GOP
establishment will never allow an independent thinker with his
views to be their candidate -- ever. (Applause.)
In 1996, Pat and his sister Bay crafted a strategy that allowed
them to almost win the GOP nomination, but then that
Republican establishment ganged up. In 1999, that same
establishment picked their man early and closed out all other
candidates. They chose George W. Bush long before the first
convention was held, the first primaries were conducted, the
first banners had been hung.
In the summer of 1999, Russ Verney, Bay Buchanan and I met
in my home in Washington, Virginia. We told her the Reform
Party was a party of issues. We told her that social policy,
particularly the issue of abortion, was not a litmus test in the
Reform Party, nor was it a part of our platform. (Applause.) We
also told them that in 1996 Ross Perot and I ran on a platform
that is substantially today's Reform Party platform. At the
same time, Ross Perot and I each let the voters know we were
pro-choice. That was our position.
Bay told Russ Verney and me that her brother was a man of
issues and ideas, that he agreed with our party's platform, that
he had worked hard on the same issues. But Bay also made
very clear, very clear, that Pat Buchanan deeply believed that
abortion was wrong. (Applause). And she made clear that
never, out of any expediency, would he ever change his
position to get any nomination. (Cheers/applause.) Bay agreed
and Pat agreed that they would respect the Reform Party's
desire to deal with secular issues in the platform and social
issues as a personal statement of our candidates. (Applause.)
I affirm to you tonight that Pat and Bay have kept their word.
(Applause.) What Pat Buchanan did today is the same thing
that Ross Perot and I did four years ago. He has adopted the
party's platform and issued a personal statement on social
issues. And I say to you it is my opinion that if it was okay for
Ross and me to do it that way, it's okay for Pat to do it that
way. (Cheers/applause.)
Now, we talk about platforms. What are the key elements of
this platform? Their trade policy, their political reforms, their
halting illegal immigration. It's defending the sovereignty of the
United States. Tonight I have an extraordinary documentary to
show and share with you. It is extraordinary in part because it
documents an extraordinary and distinguished career, that of
Pat Buchanan. (Applause.)
This documentary is equally
extraordinary in that it was made four years ago, for an entirely
different purpose and for an entirely different audience. This
documentary was shown in late 1996. And as you watch this
documentary, which is very well done, I would ask you to do
this. Pay special attention -- and I say this to the long-term
members of the Reform Party, such as me -- pay special
attention to note what Pat Buchanan says his issues were
then. Note that carefully.
You're going to find that what he talked about then were also
the Reform Party issues -- destructive trade deals, the loss of
national sovereignty, corrupt campaign financing by foreign
corporations, foreign donors into our domestic political
elections, and the role of special interests, and a call for term
limits. Old-time reformers, does that sound familiar to you?
(Applause.)
I want you to note something else. Note the language. Policies
that Pat called conservative then are called centrist now. There
are the United We Stand issues. There are the Reform Party's
platform two years before it was written in 1998.
Now, what's my conclusion? My conclusion is that Pat
Buchanan and his millions of supporters were reformers long
before they joined the Reform Party. (Cheers/applause.) And
on behalf of the tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of
people in the Reform Party that have worked hard to build a
real third party for America, I say to Pat Buchanan and his
supporters, welcome home. (Cheers/applause.)
I also want you to notice something else. I want you to notice
how much slimmer, better, healthier Pat looks now than he did
in those old tapes when he was a Republican.
(Cheers/applause.) As this tape is going to indicate, as Pat's
campaign speeches make clear, as his books reveal, Pat
Buchanan is a serious and thoughtful man.
I affirm to you he is fully prepared to serve as our president and
to serve with confidence, honor and integrity. And I say to all
reformers, his candidacy is fully worthy of our support and our
best efforts.
With that, let's roll the tape. (Cheers/applause.) Thank you.
